Jerusalem One

=====================================================================
                      What is Fascism?
=====================================================================
From: NLG Civil Liberties Committee 

Sep 27, 1992 by Chip Berlet

   |This article is adapted from the author's preface to Russ 
   |Bellant's book "Old Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican 
   |Party," co-published by South End Press and Political Research 
   |Associates.

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     "Fascism, which was not afraid to call itself reactionary... 
  does not hesitate to call itself illiberal and anti-liberal."
                                             --Benito Mussolini
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      We have all heard of the Nazis--but our image is usually a 
caricature of a brutal goose-stepping soldier wearing a uniform 
emblazoned with a swastika. Most people in the U.S. are aware 
that the U.S. and its allies fought a war against the Nazis, but 
there is much more to know if one is to learn the important 
lessons of our recent history.
	
      Technically, the word NAZI was the acronym for the 
National Socialist German Worker's Party. It was a fascist 
movement that had its roots in the European nationalist and 
socialist movements, and that developed a grotesque 
biologically-determinant view of so-called "Aryan" supremacy. 
(Here we use "national socialism" to refer to the early Nazi 
movement before Hitler came to power, sometimes termed the 
"Brownshirt" phase, and the term "Nazi" to refer to the movement 
after it had consolidated around ideological fascism.)
	
      The seeds of fascism, however, were planted in Italy. 
"Fascism is reaction," said Mussolini, but reaction to what? The 
reactionary movement following World War I was based on a 
rejection of the social theories that formed the basis of the 
1789 French Revolution, and whose early formulations in this 
country had a major influence on our Declaration of Independence, 
Constitution, and Bill of Rights.
	
      It was Rousseau who is best known for crystallizing these 
modern social theories in _The Social Contract_. The progeny of 
these theories are sometimes called Modernism or Modernity 
because they challenged social theories generally accepted since 
the days of Machiavelli. The response to the French Revolution 
and Rousseau, by Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche, and others, poured
into an intellectual stew which served up Marxism, socialism, 
national socialism, fascism, modern liberalism, modern 
conservatism, communism, and a variety of forms of capitalist 
participatory democracy.
	
      Fascists particularly loathed the social theories of the 
French Revolution and its slogan: "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity."
	
     *** Liberty from oppressive government intervention in the 
daily lives of its citizens, from illicit searches and seizures, 
from enforced religious values, from intimidation and arrest for 
dissenters; and liberty to cast a vote in a system in which the   ;  
majority ruled but the minority retained certain inalienable rights.
	
     *** Equality in the sense of civic equality, egalitarianism, 
the notion that while people differ, they all should stand equal 
in the eyes of the law.
	
     *** Fraternity in the sense of the brotherhood of mankind. 
That all women and men, the old and the young, the infirm and the 
healthy, the rich and the poor, share a spark of humanity that 
must be cherished on a level above that of the law, and that 
binds us all together in a manner that continuously re-affirms 
and celebrates life.
	
      This is what fascism as an ideology was reacting 
against--and its support came primarily from desperate people 
anxious and angry over their perception that their social and 
economic position was sinking and frustrated with the constant 
risk of chaos, uncertainty and inefficiency implicit in a modern 
democracy based on these principles. Fascism is the antithesis of 
democracy. We fought a war against it not half a century ago; 
millions perished as victims of fascism and champions of liberty.

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     "One of the great lies of this century is that in the 1930's 
  Generalissimo Franco in Spain was primarily a nationalist engaged 
  in stopping the Reds. Franco was, of course, a fascist who was 
  aided by Mussolini and Hitler."
     "The history of this period is a press forgery. Falsified 
  news manipulates public opinion. Democracy needs facts.
                                     --George Seldes 
                                       Hartland Four Corners, Vermont,
                                       March 5, 1988
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      Fascism was forged in the crucible of post-World War I 
nationalism in Europe. The national aspirations of many European 
peoples--nations without states, peoples arbitrarily assigned to 
political entities with little regard for custom or culture--had 
been crushed after World War I. The humiliation imposed by the 
victors in the Great War, coupled with the hardship of the 
economic Depression, created bitterness and anger. That anger 
frequently found its outlet in an ideology that asserted not just 
the importance of the nation, but its unquestionable primacy and 
central predestined role in history.
	
      In identifying "goodness" and "superiority" with "us," 
there was a tendency to identify "evil" with "them." This process 
involves scapegoating and dehumanization. It was then an easy 
step to blame all societal problems on "them," and presuppose a 
conspiracy of these evildoers which had emasculated and 
humiliated the idealized core group of the nation. To solve 
society's problems one need only unmask the conspirators and 
eliminate them.
	
      In Europe, Jews were the handy group to scapegoat as 
"them." Anti- Jewish conspiracy theories and discrimination 
against Jews were not a new phenomenon, but most academic studies 
of the period note an increased anti-Jewish fervor in Europe, 
especially in the late 1800's. In France this anti-Jewish bias 
was most publicly expressed in the case of Alfred Dreyfus, a 
French military officer of Jewish background, who in 1894 was 
falsely accused of treason, convicted (through the use of forged 
papers as evidence) and imprisoned on Devil's Island. Zola 
led a noble struggle which freed Dreyfus and exposed 
the role of anti-Jewish bigotry in shaping French society and 
betraying the principles on which France was building its democracy.

      Not all European nationalist movements were necessarily
fascist, although many were. In some countries much of the 
Catholic hierarchy embraced fascist nationalism as a way to 
counter the encroachment of secular influences on societies where 
previously the church had sole control over societal values and 
mores. This was especially true in Slovakia and Croatia, where 
the Clerical Fascist movements were strong, and to a lesser 
extent in Poland and Hungary. Yet even in these countries 
individual Catholic leaders and laity spoke out against bigotry 
as the shadow of fascism crept across Europe. And in every 
country of Europe there were ordinary citizens who took 
extraordinary risks to shelter the victims of the Holocaust. So 
religion and nationality cannot be valid indicators of fascist 
sentiment. And the Nazis not only came for the Jews, as the 
famous quote reminds us, but for the communists and the trade 
union leaders, and indeed the Gypsies, the dissidents and the 
homosexuals. Nazism and fascism are more complex than popular 
belief. What, then, is the nature of fascism?

      Italy was the birthplace of fascist ideology. Mussolini, a 
former socialist journalist, organized the first fascist movement 
in 1919 at Milan. In 1922 Mussolini led a march on Rome, was 
given a government post by the king, and began transforming the 
Italian political system into a fascist state. In 1938 he forced 
the last vestige of democracy, the Council of Deputies, to vote 
themselves out of existence, leaving Mussolini dictator of 
fascist Italy. 
	
      Yet there were Italian fascists who resisted scapegoating 
and dehumanization even during World War II. Not far from the 
area where Austrian Prime Minister Kurt Waldheim is accused of 
assisting in the transport of Jews to the death camps, one 
Italian General, Mario Roatta, who had pledged equality of 
treatment to civilians, refused to obey the German military order 
to round up Jews. Roatta said such an activity was "incompatible 
with the honor of the Italian Army."
	
      Franco's fascist movement in Spain claimed state power in 
1936, although it took three years, the assistance of the Italian 
fascists and help from the secretly reconstituted German Air 
Force finally to crush those who fought for democracy. Picasso's 
famous painting _Guernica_ depicts the carnage wrought in a 
Spanish village by the bombs dropped by the forerunner of the 
_Luftwaffe_ which all too soon would be working on an even larger 
canvas. Yet Franco's fascist Spain never adopted the obsession 
with race and anti-Jewish conspiracy theories that were 
hallmarks of Hitler's Nazi movement in Germany.
	
      Other fascist movements in Europe were more explicitly 
racialist, promoting the slogan still used today by some neo-Nazi 
movements: "Nation is Race." The Nazi racialist version of 
fascism was developed by Adolph Hitler who with six others formed 
the Nazi party during 1919 and 1920. Imprisoned after the 
unsuccessful 1923 Beer Hall putsch in Munich, Hitler dictated his 
opus, _Mein Kampf_ to his secretary, Rudolph Hess.  ;  
	
      _Mein Kampf_ (My Battle) sets out a plan for creating in 
Germany through national socialism a racially pure _Volkish_ 
state. To succeed, said Hitler, "Aryan" Germany had to resist 
two forces: the external threat posed by the French with their 
bloodlines "negrified" through "contamination by Negro blood," 
and the internal threat posed by "the Marxist shock troops of 
international Jewish stock exchange capital." Hitler was named 
Chancellor of Germany by Hindenburg in January 1933 and by 
year's end had consolidated his power as a fascist dictator and 
begun a campaign for racialist nationalism that eventually led 
to the Holocaust.
	
      This obsession with a racialism not only afflicted the 
German Nazis, but also several eastern European nationalist and 
fascist movements including those in Croatia, Slovakia, Serbia, 
Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Ukraine. Anti-Jewish 
bigotry was rampant in all of these racialist movements, as was 
the idea of a link between Jewish financiers and Marxists. Even 
today the tiny Anti-communist Confederation of Polish Freedom 
Fighters in the U.S.A. uses the slogan "Communism is Jewish."

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  "Reactionary concepts plus revolutionary emotion result in 
   Fascist mentality."
                                             --Wilhelm Reich
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      One element shared by all fascist movements, racialist or 
not, is the apparent lack of consistent political principle 
behind the ideology--political opportunism in the most basic 
sense. One virtually unique aspect of fascism is its ruthless 
drive to attain and hold state power. On that road to power, 
fascists are willing to abandon any principle to adopt an issue 
more in vogue and more likely to gain converts.
	
      Hitler, for his part, committed his act of abandonment 
bloodily and dramatically. When the industrialist power brokers 
offered control of Germany to Hitler, they knew he was supported 
by national socialist ideologues who held views incompatible with 
their idea of profitable enterprise. Hitler solved the problem in 
the "Night of the Long Knives," during which he had the 
leadership of the national socialist wing of his constituency 
murdered in their sleep.
	
      What distinguishes Nazism from generic fascism is its 
obsession with racial theories of superiority, and some would 
say, its roots in the socialist theory of proletarian revolution.
	
      Fascism and Nazism as ideologies involve, to varying 
degrees, some of the following hallmarks:
	
     *** Nationalism and super-patriotism with a sense of 
historic mission.
	
     *** Aggressive militarism even to the extent of glorifying 
war as good for the national or individual spirit.
	
     *** Use of violence or threats of violence to impose views 
on others (fascism and Nazism both employed street violence and 
state violence at different moments in their development).   x  
	
     *** Authoritarian reliance on a leader or elite not 
constitutionally responsible to an electorate.
	
     *** Cult of personality around a charismatic leader.
	
     *** Reaction against the values of Modernism, usually with 
emotional attacks against both liberalism and communism.
	
     *** Exhortations for the homogeneous masses of common folk
(Volkish in German, Populist in the U.S.) to join voluntarily in 
a heroic mission--often metaphysical and romanticized in character.
	
     *** Dehumanization and scapegoating of the enemy--seeing the 
enemy as an inferior or subhuman force, perhaps involved in a 
conspiracy that justifies eradicating them.
	
     *** The self image of being a superior form of social 
organization beyond socialism, capitalism and democracy.
	
     *** Elements of national socialist ideological roots, for 
example, ostensible support for the industrial working class or 
farmers; but ultimately, the forging of an alliance with an elite 
sector of society.
	
     *** Abandonment of any consistent ideology in a drive for 
state power.
	
      It is vitally important to understand that fascism and 
Nazism are not biologically or culturally determinant. Fascism 
does not attach to the gene structure of any specific group or 
nationality. Nazism was not the ultimate expression of the German 
people. Fascism did not end with World War II.
	
      After Nazi Germany surrendered to the Allies, the 
geopolitical landscape of Europe was once again drastically 
altered. In a few short months, some of our former fascist 
enemies became our allies in the fight to stop the spread of 
communism. The record of this transformation has been laid out in 
a series of books. U.S. recruitment of the Nazi spy apparatus has 
been chronicled in books ranging from _The General was a Spy_ by 
Hohne & Zolling, to the recent _Blowback_ by Simpson. The 
laundering of Nazi scientists into our space program is 
chronicled in _The Paperclip Conspiracy_ by Bowers. The global 
activities of, and ongoing fascist role within, the World 
Anti-Communist League were described in _Inside the League_ by 
Anderson and Anderson. Bellant's bibliography cites many other 
examples of detailed and accurate reporting of these 
disturbing realities.
	
      But if so much is already known of this period, why does 
journalist and historian George Seldes call the history of Europe 
between roughly 1920 and 1950 a "press forgery"? Because most 
people are completely unfamiliar with this material, and because 
so much of the popular historical record either ignores or 
contradicts the facts of European nationalism, Nazi   0  
collaborationism, and our government's reliance on these enemies 
of democracy to further our Cold War foreign policy objectives.
	
      This widely-accepted, albeit misleading, historical record 
has been shaped by filtered media reports and self-serving 
academic revisionism rooted in an ideological preference for 
those European nationalist forces which opposed socialism and 
communism. Since sectors of those nationalist anti-communist 
forces allied themselves with political fascism, but later became 
our allies against communism, _apologia_ for collaborationists 
became the rule, not the exception.
	
      Soon, as war memories dimmed and newspaper accounts of 
collaboration faded, the fascists and their allies re-emerged 
cloaked in a new mantle of respectability. Portrayed as 
anti-communist freedom fighters, their backgrounds blurred by 
time and artful circumlocution, they stepped forward to continue 
their political organizing with goals unchanged and slogans 
slightly repackaged to suit domestic sensibilities.
	
      To fight communism after World War II, our government 
forged a tactical alliance with what was perceived to be the 
lesser of two evils--and as with many such bargains, there has 
been a high price to pay. 
	
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  "The great masses of people. . .will more easily fall 
  victims to a big lie than to a small one."
                                          --Adolph Hitler
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Subject: More on the Rockford Institute issue
Originator: pierce@lanai.cs.ucla.edu
Date: Thu, 8 Oct 92 16:59:02 GMT

-------------  FORWARDED POSTING  -----------------------------------
-------------  written by Chip Berlet  ------------------------------

From: NLG Civil Liberties Committee 
Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy
Date: 07 Oct 92 20:48 PDT
Subject: Re: Berlet vs. Dallas Morning News  (wa
Message-ID: <1299600092@igc.apc.org>

In the original posting I wrote that Stockdale was a current Board
Member of the Rockford Institute. Stockdale resigned in 1989. I
apologize for the error which was picked up from a reporter who
misunderstood the Hoover/Rockford sequence. Stockdale was on the
Rockford board during the Neuhaus controversy where the issues of
racial insensitivity and anti-Semitism first surfaced.

More information on the Rockford Institute, Stockdale, the
Paleocons, and the Perot campaign

- - - - - - PLEASE NOTE: My original posting suggested that
Stockdale needed to answer some tough questions about his service
on the Board of Directors of Rockford. Many people seem to have
lost sight of that key point. This is a fair issue to raise about
someone running for vice-president.
- - - - - -

The Rockford Institute feud where the staff in New York was tossed
out for raising issues of racial tolerance was covered in the _New
York Times_, May 16, 1989 (pp. 1,8). Perot's running mate
Stockdale was on the Board of Directors of Rockford in 1989.
Theologian Rev. Richard John Neuhaus and his staff at the Center
for Religion and Society were fired and locked out of their
offices.

From the _Times_:

"The raid on the center's office was provoked by Pastor Neuhaus's
complaint, supported by a number of leading conservative figures,
that the Rockford Institute's monthly publication, _Chronicles_,
was tilting toward views favoring native-born citizens and values
and that it was `insensitive to the classic language of anti-
Semitism.'"

"Pastor Neuhaus and his Center for Religion and Society have
become symbols of the neo-conservative side of the argument,
standing opposite the center's parent organization, the Rockford
Institute."

To unravel the background of the dispute takes a political
scorecard. The Rockford Institute and rightists like Pat Buchanan
are allied with reactionary and hard-line rightist forces in the
U.S. The more moderate of these hard-right forces sometimes are
called paleo-conservatives or "Paleocons" due to their ties to the
"Old Right" in the United States. The farthest fringe of this
circle is populated by persons who reflect a racial-nationalist or
even neo-fascist viewpoint.  Buchanan networks across the spectrum
of the hard-right, from Paleocon to neo-Fascist. Racism and
anti-Jewish bigotry were common themes in some (although not all)
Old Right groups.

Buchanan endorsed the work of the Rockford Institute after the
Neuhaus incident. In his January 25, 1990 newsletter, Buchanan
penned what was in essence an ode to fascism which celebrated the
efficiency of autocracy, and concluded with the line, "If the
people are corrupt, the more democracy, the worse the government."
The column also echoed historically racialist themes.

The "Neocons," the neo-conservative movement in the United States
for over ten years quietly tolerated more than a little
anti-democratic authoritarianism, anti-Jewish bigotry, and racism
from their tactical allies on the Paleocon right. Their alliance
was based on shared support for militant anti-communism,
celebration of unfettered free enterprise, calls for high levels
of U.S. spending on the U.S. military, and support for a
militarily strong Israel dominated by hard-line ultra-
conservative political parties that would stand as a bulwark
against communism in the Middle East.

Since there are some high-profile Jews in the intellectual
leadership of the neo-conservative movement, some persons have
concluded that neo-conservatism is a Jewish ideology. This is a
prejudiced assertion, and it is at the heart of much of the
Neocon/Paleocon dispute, with the Paleocons repeatedly making
bigotted references about the people who "control" the Neocon
movement and charge them with "anti-Semitism" and "nativism." See
for example the June 1992 _Rothbard-Rockwell Report_, which
defends the Paleocons.

For a look at the Neocon view of Buchanan and the Rockford crowd
see the May 1992 issues of _First Things_ published by Neuhaus
("The Year that Conservatism Turned Ugly"), and _Commentary_
("Buchanan and the Conservative Crackup").

Fascist political movements are experiencing a resurgence around
the world. In the United States, the 1992 presidential campaigns
of David Duke, Patrick Buchanan, and H. Ross Perot echoed
different elements of historic fascism.

Duke's neo-Nazi past resonates, in a consciously sanitized form,
in his current formulations of white supremacist and anti-Jewish
political theories. Duke has embraced key elements of the neo-
Nazi Christian Identity religion.

Buchanan's theories of isolationist nationalism and xenophobia
hearken back to the proto-fascist ideas of the 1930's America
First movement and its well-known promoters, Charles Lindbergh and
Father Charles Coughlin. In his Republican convention speech,
Buchanan eerily invoked Nazi symbols of blood, soil and honor.

Perot's candidacy provided us with a contemporary model of the
fascist concept of the organic leader, the "Man on a White Horse"
whose strong egocentric commands are seen as reflecting the will
of the people.

These three candidacies were played out as the Bush Administration
pursued its agenda of a managed corporate economy, a repressive
national security state, and an aggressive foreign policy based on
military threat, all of which borrows heavily from the theories of
corporatism, authoritarianism, and militarism adopted by Italian
fascism.

Duke, Buchanan, and Perot all feed on the politics of resentment,
alienation, frustration, anger and fear. Their supporters tended
to blame our vexing societal problems on handy scapegoats and they
sought salvation from a strong charismatic leader.  See the
prescient article on "The Politics of Frustration" by conservative
Republican analyst Kevin Phillips in _The New York Times Magazine_
April 12, 1992, pp. 38-42. In this article, Phillips, (remember,
he is an anti-Bush conservative Republican) raises the issue of
similarity between the current campaign and the Weimar period in
Germany when the fascists were organizing under the banner of
national socialism and popular discontent.

There are other strains of fascism active today. While much
attention has been paid to the more extreme biological-
determinist neo-Nazi groups such as racist skinheads, there has
also been steady growth in other forms of Fascism. Corporatism
(sometimes called corporativism) and the economic nationalist
branch of fascism are being revived. In Eastern Europe, racial
nationalism, a key component of fascism, has surfaced in many new
political parties, and is a driving force behind the tragic
bloodletting and drive for "ethnic cleansing" in the former nation
of Yugoslavia. Other pillars of fascism such as racism,
xenophobia, anti-Jewish theories and anti-immigrant scapegoating
provide a sinister backdrop for increasing physical assaults on
people of color and lesbians and gay men.

Further complicating matters is the reemergence in Europe of
fascist ideologies that promote concepts of racial nationalism: a
national socialist strain of fascist ideology called the Third
Position or Third Way, and its more intellectual aristocratic ally
called the European New Right (Nouvelle Droit) For a brilliant
short essay on the rise of the Nouvelle Droit see "Pograms Begin
in the Mind"

by Wolfgang Haug, a transcribed lecture with a challenging
introduction by Janet Biehl (_Green Perspectives_ May 1992, P.O.
Box 111, Burlington, Vermont 05402.) Intellectual leaders of the
European New Right, such as Alain de Benoist, are hailed as
profound thinkers in U.S. reactionary publications such as the
Rockford Institute's _Chronicles_. The more overtly neo-Nazi
segment of the Third Position has intellectual links to the
Strasserite wing of German national socialism, and is critical of
Hitler's brand of Nazism for having betrayed the working class.
See magazines such as _Scorpion_ or _Third Way_ published in
England. Third Position groups believe in a racially-homogeneous
decentralized tribal form of nationalism, and claim to have
evolved an ideology "beyond communism and capitalism."

Third Position adherents actively seek to recruit from the left.
One such group is the American Front in Portland, Oregon, which
runs a phone hotline that in late November, 1991 featured an
attack on critics of left/right coalitions. White supremacist
leader Tom Metzger promotes Third Position politics in his
newspaper _WAR_ which stands for White Aryan Resistance. Third
Position themes have surfaced in the ecology movement and other
movements championed by progressives.

Conspiracism and scapegoating go hand-in-hand, and both are key
ingredients of the fascist phenomenon. Fascism is difficult to
define succinctly. As Roger Scruton observes in "A Dictionary of
Political Tought," fascism is "An amalgam of disparate
conceptions." (Scruton, Roger. "A Dictionary of Political Tought,"
London: The Macmillan Press, 1982, p. 169)

Scruton:

"[Fascism is] more notable as a political phenomenon on which
diverse intellectual influences converge than as a distinct idea;
as political phenomenon, one of its most remarkable features has
been the ability to win massive popular support for ideas that are
expressly anti-egalitarian."

"Fascism is characterised by the following features (not all of
which need be present in any of its recognized instances):
nationalism; hostility to democracy, to egalitarianism, and to the
values of the enlightenment; the cult of the leader, and
admiration for his special qualities; a respect for collective
organization, and a love of the symbols associated with it, such
as uniforms, parades and army discipline."

"The ultimate doctrine contains little that is specific, beyond an
appeal to energy, and action."

Another way to look at fascism is as a movement of extreme racial
or cultural nationalism, combined with economic corporatism and
authoritarian autocracy; masked during its rise to state power by
pseudo-radical populist appeals to overthrow a conspiratorial
elitist regime; spurred by a strong charismatic leader whose
reactionary ideas are said to organically express the will of the
masses who are urged to engage in a heroic collective effort to
attain a metaphysical goal against the machinations of a
scapegoated demonized adversary.

In any case, in most definitions of fascism the themes of
conspiracism and a needed scapegoat emerge.

In recent years the four main centers of paranoid conspiracism and
scapegoating on the right have been the John Birch Society, the
Liberty Lobby, the LaRouchians, and the right-wing Christian
fundamentalist sector of the movement known as the New Right.

The most useful general sources of information on U.S. right-wing
conspiracy theories and the basis for understanding the role of
reductionism and scapegoating in these movements are: Richard
Hofstadter, "The Paranoid Style in American Politics" (New York:
Knopf, 1965); George Johnson, "Architects of Fear: Conspiracy
Theories and Paranoia in American Politics" (Los Angeles:
Tarcher/Houghton Mifflin, 1983); and Frank P. Mintz, "The Liberty
Lobby and the American Right: Race, Conspiracy, and Culture"
(Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1985).

For a lengthy discussion of scapegoating and witch hunts, see the
September/October issue of _The Humanist_ with a special section
on "Credulity, Superstition, and Fanaticism, which includes the
author's article on the far right's scapegoating of secular
humanism.

For a deeper understanding of fascism and its use of scapegoating,
see: A. J. Nichols, "Weimar and the Rise of Hitler" (New York: St.
Martin's Press, 1979), Daniel Guerin, "Fascism and Big Business"
(New York: Monad Press/Pathfinder, 1973), James Joes, "Fascism in
the Contemporary World: Ideology, Evolution, Resurgence" (Boulder:
Westview, 1978).

- Chip Berlet, analyst Political Research Associates 678
  Massachusetts Ave, #702 Cambridge, MA 02139

  Write for our list of publications including bibliographies

----------------  END OF FORWARDED POSTING  -----------------------



From cs.ubc.ca!destroyer!caen!uwm.edu!linac!pacific.mps.ohio-state.edu!ohstpy!miavx1!miamiu!pmschull Fri Oct  9 12:25:24 PDT 1992
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So according to Chip "fascism" is a term which "has little in common"
from application to application.  In other words: a term with no
denotation, only connotation.  That is, a purely propagandistic term.
Suitable for old Chip.  And his attacks on LaRouche.  On Reason. Etc .
   But if one looks at Fiscism Germany, Fascism Italy, Fascist Bulgaria,
etc. etc. one can--if one uses one's intellect--see the essential
identity: an intense degree of austerity.  The slave labor camps of the
NaZis  (wherein the Slave Workers were worked to death in 30 - 270 days,
depending on the era and place--longer life expectancies early, 1933, in German
less later, 1940s Poland)   were most salient.  But Mussolini had an
"Environmentalist Project" to empty the cities (copied by Pol Pot) which
he went a large way in doing.  Hundreds of thousands of people were
relocated to caves.   While few ate cooked food in Italy in the late
1920s, the massive debt to the bankers was paid off quickly.  (Cf.
"Literary Digest" April 1928.)  Bulgaria put about 12% of proceeds from
sales of indistrial goods into wages and reinvestment--the rest going
primarily to financiers, to German stockholders, etc.
    Quoting from a "Know-Nothing" dictionary of terms does not alter
the facts of history.


From cs.ubc.ca!destroyer!caen!zaphod.mps.ohio-state.edu!menudo.uh.edu!ccsvax.sfasu.edu!f_gautjw Sun Oct 11 20:51:52 PDT 1992
Article: 11766 of alt.activism
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From: f_gautjw@ccsvax.sfasu.edu
Newsgroups: alt.activism,alt.conspiracy
Subject: Re: NLNS: CHRISTIAN IDENTITY (UPDATED V
Message-ID: <1992Oct11.130154.1454@ccsvax.sfasu.edu>
Date: 11 Oct 92 13:01:54 CST
References: <9209301854.AA02095@igc.apc.org> <1296500400@igc.apc.org>
Organization: Stephen F. Austin State University
Lines: 72

In article <1296500400@igc.apc.org>, NLG Civil Liberties Committee  writes:
> 
Thank you for posting your definition(s) of fascism.  While helping me
to better understand your broadbrush use of the term fascism, the
definition(s) also raise some new questions.
> 
> State-enforced austerity is not a central characteristic of
> fascism.
> 
	I find this to be an unusual statement.  Prosperity has never exactly
been the hallmark of fascist regimes and economics is "central" to any
form of government.  Certainly a fascist regime uses pressure to
enforce its state policies, so why wouldn't state-enforced austerity
be a central characteristic of fascism?


> Fascism
> 
> Chip's definition:
> 
> Extreme racial or cultural nationalism combined with economic
> corporatism and authoritarian autocracy; masked during its rise to
> state power by pseudo-radical populist appeals to overthrow a
> conspiratorial elitist regime; spurred by a strong charismatic
> leader whose reactionary ideas are said to organically express the
> will of the masses who are urged to engage in a heroic collective
> effort to attain a metaphysical goal against the machinations of a
> scapegoated demonized adversary.
> 
- - -
	This definition raises certain questions.  Do you consider nationalism
inherently evil?  Would you prefer a one-world government?  Do you
feel that appreciating and defending one's own culture and cultural
values are somehow primitive instincts that must be overcome by the
educational efforts of the enlightened egalitarians?

Why the "pseudo" in pseudo-radical populist appeals?

What strong charismatic leaders do you see in America today and which
ones do you fear?  What "metaphysical" goals do they propose?
Can you name any modern day American scapegoated demonized adversaries
other than the remnants of Randy Weaver's family and other small
religious groups who would like most of all to be left alone?


> 
> Definition excepted from "A Dictionary of Political Tought" by
> Roger Scruton.  (The Macmillan Press, London, 1982, p. 169)
> 
> "An amalgam of disparate conceptions...more notable as a political
> phenomenon on which diverse intellectual influences converge than
> as a distinct idea; as political phenomenon, one of its most
> remarkable features has been the ability to win massive popular
> support for ideas that are expressly anti-egalitarian."
> 
> "Fascism is characterised by the following features (not all of
> which need be present in any of its recognized instances):
> nationalism; hostility to democracy, to egalitarianism, and to the
> values of the enlightenment; the cult of the leader, and
> admiration for his special qualities; a respect for collective
> organization, and a love of the symbols associated with it, such
> as uniforms, parades and army discipline."
> 
> "The ultimate doctrine contains little that is specific, beyond an
> appeal to energy, and action."
> 
> - - -
	Frankly, I think the first definition says much more than the second
"amalgam" definition which seems so non-specific as to include anyone
desired.  When you use the word *fascist* are you alluding to the first
or to both definitions?  



From cs.ubc.ca!destroyer!uunet!haven.umd.edu!darwin.sura.net!spool.mu.edu!sgiblab!sgigate!odin!sgi!cdp!cberlet Wed Oct  7 14:19:24 PDT 1992
Article: 11621 of alt.activism
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From: NLG Civil Liberties Committee 
Newsgroups: alt.activism
Date: 06 Oct 92 21:26 PDT
Subject: Re: NLNS: CHRISTIAN IDENTITY (UPDATED V
Sender: Notesfile to Usenet Gateway 
Message-ID: <1296500400@igc.apc.org>
References: <9209301854.AA02095@igc.apc.org>
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State-enforced austerity is not a central characteristic of
fascism.

Fascism

Chip's definition:

Extreme racial or cultural nationalism combined with economic
corporatism and authoritarian autocracy; masked during its rise to
state power by pseudo-radical populist appeals to overthrow a
conspiratorial elitist regime; spurred by a strong charismatic
leader whose reactionary ideas are said to organically express the
will of the masses who are urged to engage in a heroic collective
effort to attain a metaphysical goal against the machinations of a
scapegoated demonized adversary.

- - -

Definition excepted from "A Dictionary of Political Tought" by
Roger Scruton.  (The Macmillan Press, London, 1982, p. 169)

"An amalgam of disparate conceptions...more notable as a political
phenomenon on which diverse intellectual influences converge than
as a distinct idea; as political phenomenon, one of its most
remarkable features has been the ability to win massive popular
support for ideas that are expressly anti-egalitarian."

"Fascism is characterised by the following features (not all of
which need be present in any of its recognized instances):
nationalism; hostility to democracy, to egalitarianism, and to the
values of the enlightenment; the cult of the leader, and
admiration for his special qualities; a respect for collective
organization, and a love of the symbols associated with it, such
as uniforms, parades and army discipline."

"The ultimate doctrine contains little that is specific, beyond an
appeal to energy, and action."

- - -